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The dangerous exposure of banana plantation workers to the chemical nemagon is connected to their marginalized position in Nicaraguan society as rura day laborers. This is a social group that, historically, has faced particularly acute conditions of exploitation and government indifference in the country. Nicaragua’s economic growth has long relied on the low economic and social value of peasants and their labor (Gould 1990; Nufiez Soto 2000). After colonization, the gov- ernments and the social elites of Central America depended on foreign interests and the absolute contro of the land to maintain power and amass capital. This situation persisted in Nicaragua as in other Centra American nations following independence in the early 1800s. During several decades and well into the 20th century, half of the rural populations of Central America earned their living on tiny plots of land, in most cases owned by elite landowners or terratenientes (Booth 1991). However, the expansion of cash crops in the 1950s and 1960s (including cotton, sugar cane, and banana) facilitated by rapid capital-intensive industri- alization, as well as rising rents, meant large numbers of peasants were forced out of these plots of land. They could no longer produce their own food, and depended on seasonal work in large plantations. To maximize profits for landowners, the agricultural laborers received only subsistence wages, which contributed to the peas- ants’ economic marginalization and readiness as reserve abor for primarily export-destined harvests (Booth 1991:33-73; Seligson 1996:140-157).  Tt Sa Sea tha TOCTV\0 105% %a ana oarix<r TAORMa ann
The dangerous exposure of banana plantation workers to the chemical nemagon is connected to their marginalized position in Nicaraguan society as rura day laborers. This is a social group that, historically, has faced particularly acute conditions of exploitation and government indifference in the country. Nicaragua’s economic growth has long relied on the low economic and social value of peasants and their labor (Gould 1990; Nufiez Soto 2000). After colonization, the gov- ernments and the social elites of Central America depended on foreign interests and the absolute contro of the land to maintain power and amass capital. This situation persisted in Nicaragua as in other Centra American nations following independence in the early 1800s. During several decades and well into the 20th century, half of the rural populations of Central America earned their living on tiny plots of land, in most cases owned by elite landowners or terratenientes (Booth 1991). However, the expansion of cash crops in the 1950s and 1960s (including cotton, sugar cane, and banana) facilitated by rapid capital-intensive industri- alization, as well as rising rents, meant large numbers of peasants were forced out of these plots of land. They could no longer produce their own food, and depended on seasonal work in large plantations. To maximize profits for landowners, the agricultural laborers received only subsistence wages, which contributed to the peas- ants’ economic marginalization and readiness as reserve abor for primarily export-destined harvests (Booth 1991:33-73; Seligson 1996:140-157). Tt Sa Sea tha TOCTV\0 105% %a ana oarix
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